The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was considered among the most powerful incumbents of that position in US history. While many VPs had to settle for minor or ceremonial functions, Cheney held huge power during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was often described as the "actual president".
Bush resented that description and stated the dynamic was more complex. He observed that Cheney was respectful, consistently referring to him in public settings as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their partnership as a collaboration because it indicated that they were on equal footing. In spite of these objections, Cheney considered the laidback president malleable on a wide array of administrative determinations.
A Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a contingent of neo-conservatives that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a session at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush traveled to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the shooting down of any unresponsive aircraft approaching the government building.
Cheney stated the assaults changed him, leading him to become intent on retribution. Along with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a takeover of Afghanistan in an attempt to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, and not about the enhanced interrogation of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was based on misleading reports echoed by Cheney, was the correct course of action. "It was the correct action to do at that time. I was convinced at the time and I maintain that stance presently."
But even at the time, there were opposing views at a high level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I observed, at the very least," he later wrote "obvious failure, inaction, and irresponsibility: at worst, lying, incompetence, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for similar measures. He had composed a memorandum setting out circumstances in which US concerns might be endangered (featuring "availability of vital raw materials, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be prepared to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," particularly citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had arrived in the White House somewhat determined on implementing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of lowering America's engagement in the regional tensions and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush carried a personal grudge against Saddam, believing he had been behind a conspiracy to murder his parent, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his father's countenance that all visitors had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken supporting attacking Iraq, consistently quoting agency briefings that were either thin or totally deceptive. He backed what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the application of waterboarding and torture.
Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the conclusions as "loaded with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to take steps and put in place programmes to apprehend the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it never happened again. That's exactly what they did and they earn a lot of praise."
Public Persona
Cheney reveled in monikers imposed on him by opponents such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the sinister strategist in the corner that operates invisibly emerge from his lair? That is a effective way to function, truthfully."
Business Interests
Dispute over his corporate affiliations followed him throughout his time as second-in-command. Although he had limited background in corporate affairs but strong connections in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas corporations, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the executive branch. Contentiously, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US deals worth multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the corporation grew from his quarter-million dollars during his time as Pentagon chief to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a package valued at over $20m|twenty
